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Romania and Hungary living comparison. Explore similarities and differences. ... In Romania, 23.8% live below the poverty line as of 2018. In Hungary ...
Velluda (1893–1978), as well as the ethnographer Romulus Vuia (1887–1963). The Society existed until 1940, providing institutional context for promising Romanian anthropologists like Făcăoaru and Chelcea to present their research through professional seminars and public lectures (Făcăoaru 1973). The circulation of key individuals from Cluj to Bucharest further encouraged these developments. The Transylvanian statistician Sabin Manuilă (1894–1964), for instance, organized a section on Demography, Anthropology, and Eugenics at the National Institute of Statistics in Bucharest in 1935.
It is within this context that many physical anthropologists in Hungary were equally interested in eugenics. 2 The main issue was how to harmonize the interests of the state and the nation with the interests of individuals and families. In the name of a healthy nation, eugenics served as a mechanism with which the state and the church were able to orchestrate its demographic policies, encouraging large families while protecting Hungarian racial qualities (Farkas 1988). Such eugenic and racial strategies were facilitated by the Heredity Section of the Hungarian Psychological Society and the Eugenic Section of the Hungarian Union for the Protection of the Family, as well as the Hungarian Institute for National Biology, founded in 1940, especially its section on Heredity, Racial Biology, and Eugenics.
They believed that the essential qualities of the Hungarian race had been preserved in these villages, protected by their geography and distance from the urban centers of Romania and Hungary (see Hitchins 2007; Venczel 1935). ReferencesBalogh Béla. A magyar fajiság. Természettudományi közlöny. 1939a;71:273–285. [Google Scholar]Balogh Béla.
Lenhossék 1875, 1878). Another direction of research was to focus on cranial differences. Török (1882) offered one of the first detailed investigations of cranial characteristics of Romanians in Transylvania. Around 1900 a growing skepticism about the utility of cranial research for racial purposes led many leading anthropologists to question its scientific credentials. It was Török who produced one of the simultaneously most comprehensive discussions and substantial critiques of craniology in 1890.
This is another argument for the national importance and necessity of racial research” (1940: 317). Moreover, Bartucz labored to devise a compressed definition of racial character, concluding that the “Magyar national essence is formed from three essential sources: a special physical and spiritual racial structure of the national body; the biological; and the reproductive community, both created by history and the millenary environment of our country” (1940: 318). He concluded by faithfully combining the scientific nature of anthropology with the official narrative about the nation.
2It is important to note that the International Committee for Standardization of the Technique of Physical Anthropology was established in 1934 under the auspices of the International Federation of Eugenics Organizations. 3In 1938, Hungary annexed Southern Slovakia from Czechoslovakia and, in 1940, Northern Transylvania from Romania. 4In 1842, the Swedish anatomist Anders Retzius (1796–1860) first used the ratio of width to length in order to distinguish between dolichocephalic and brachycephalic crania, thus establishing a craniological comparative study of racial groups. 5One of the few successful models of collaboration between Romanian and Hungarian sociologists and ethnographers is the group of Hungarian intellectuals in Transylvania known as the “Transylvanian Youth. ” In the 1930s these intellectuals, grouped around the journal Erdélyi Fiatalok, established contacts with the Sociological School of Dimitrie Gusti in Bucharest, and engaged in social and ethnographic research in the Hungarian villages in Transylvania.
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